Chapter 17 of the 8 HARPS book, available on Amazon

The Data Protection Amendment

The Data Protection Amendment

I. The Right With No Institution

Two everyday stories illustrate why this amendment is necessary. One person worries about physical safety in her neighborhood. Another discovers that an app she barely uses has been selling her location data to advertisers for years. Both describe the same underlying right: security of person, in the physical world and in the digital one. The physical half already has real institutions behind it, police powers, tort law, and long-established enforcement mechanisms most Americans take for granted. The digital half has never had one. Privacy means having a right to a life that belongs to you. Your home, your conversations, your medical records, your financial information, your movements should all be free from corporations that buy and sell them and governments that monitor them without clear legal justification and judicial oversight. This amendment is what makes that promise enforceable rather than aspirational.

II. The Consent Principle

The same throughline runs through this amendment as through the rest of this volume: nothing happens to you without proof that it is safe and without your genuine agreement. In practice, “consent” to data collection today means clicking past a terms-of-service document few people read and fewer still understand, as a condition of using a service that has, in many cases, become close to mandatory for participating in ordinary life. That is not consent in any meaningful sense. It is a formality that transfers legal risk from the company to the individual while changing nothing about what actually happens to the data.

Government surveillance presents a parallel problem. The Fourth Amendment has protected Americans from unreasonable searches of their homes and papers since 1791. It says nothing explicit about a phone that tracks your location every minute of the day, or a browser history that reveals more about your health, your relationships, and your beliefs than a search of your home ever could. Courts have spent decades trying to fit twenty-first century surveillance into an eighteenth-century framework. This amendment closes that gap directly, extending the warrant requirement the Constitution already promises for your home to the digital record of your life while respecting, rather than erasing, the real distinctions that framework already draws between the content of a communication, a business record about it, and the categories of government activity, like foreign intelligence and border security, that have always been treated differently.

That warrant requirement is worthless, though, if a government agency can simply buy the same data instead of compelling it. This is not a hypothetical gap; it is the most heavily litigated loophole in surveillance law today. A bill closing it, the Fourth Amendment Is Not For Sale Act, passed the House in 2024 and has stalled in the Senate ever since, while the practice it targets has only grown. The Department of Homeland Security signed a billion-dollar contract with a data-analytics firm in February 2026 to run AI-powered analysis across its border and immigration components, built substantially on commercially purchased data rather than warrants. A right that a government can purchase its way around is not a right. This amendment closes the loophole directly rather than leaving it to the next Congress.

For a minor, the consent problem is not diluted; it is absent. A thirteen-year-old cannot meaningfully consent to a data-collection agreement any more than to a mortgage, yet current law in most states treats a child’s tap through a sign-up screen exactly like an adult’s. States that have tried to fix this by regulating what a minor may see online have mostly lost in court. A federal judge permanently enjoined Ohio’s parental-notification law in 2025 on First Amendment grounds. States that have instead regulated the data collected from a minor and the design choices used to hold that minor’s attention have fared better. A federal appeals court upheld the core of California’s addictive-feed and parental-consent law in 2025. This amendment follows the path that has actually survived: it regulates data and design, not speech.

Consumer credit reporting exposes a different failure of consent entirely, not that it is fictional, but that it barely exists at all. A lender reports your payment history to a bureau you never chose and never agreed to deal with. That bureau then sells a file built from your financial life to landlords, employers, insurers, and other lenders, often without your knowledge that the sale occurred. The one federal statute governing this, the Fair Credit Reporting Act, has proven unstable rather than protective: a federal court vacated the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s rule banning medical debt from credit reports in July 2025, the Bureau abandoned its own effort to bring data brokers under the same rules as credit bureaus in May 2025, and the Bureau then declared in October 2025 that federal law preempts state attempts to fill either gap. A protection that can be undone by one rulemaking, one lawsuit, or one change of administration is not a protection. This amendment makes consent to the release of your financial history the rule rather than the exception.

Genetic and biometric data expose the sharpest failure of consent, because consent alone cannot fix it. When a genetic-testing company went bankrupt in March 2025, it sold the DNA data of more than fifteen million people to a nonprofit its own former chief executive created for the purpose of buying it back. A maneuver existing bankruptcy law had no real answer for, because nothing in that law treats a person’s genetic code as anything other than an ordinary corporate asset. The deeper problem is not the bankruptcy; it is that a person’s DNA also describes their parents, their children, and their siblings, none of whom signed anything. No consent form a company can draft solves that. This amendment does not try to solve it with better consent alone, it takes the sale of this category of data off the table entirely.

III. What This Amendment Does

This amendment establishes the Data Protection Authority, an independent constitutional agency, and gives its core terms, personal data, entity, complete record, and the standard governing the Director’s removal fixed definitions. So a court is not left to construct their meaning case by case. It requires affirmative, specific, and revocable consent before an entity may collect, retain, sell, or use a citizen’s personal data. Replacing the current fiction of buried-in-fine-print consent, with precisely bounded exceptions for the direct service a citizen has requested, security and fraud prevention, ordinary internal business operations, legal compliance, and a public-safety purpose Congress has specifically identified by name in its own statute and not a blanket exception any generic law can invoke.

For a minor, this amendment goes further. Collecting or selling a minor's personal data, using it, or enrolling a minor in an algorithmically personalized feed all require a parent's or guardian's consent. The minor's own consent is not enough. Using a minor's data to target ads at them, or to build a behavioral profile of them, is prohibited outright. A minor's account must default to the platform's strongest available privacy settings.

A platform also may not use certain design features on any account it knows belongs to a minor: features built to hold a child's attention rather than serve it. This includes automatic replay without a prompt, a feed engineered to scroll with no natural stopping point, a publicly visible count of likes or streaks, and push notifications sent during school hours or overnight.

None of this limits what a minor may see, read, or say. It only limits the data collected from them and the design used to keep them scrolling.

For consumer credit reporting, this amendment replaces the current permissible-purpose regime with an authorization regime. A lender may still report your payment history to a consumer reporting agency, so that a credit history continues to exist. But that agency may not release, sell, or share your credit information with anyone without your specific, written, advance authorization naming the party who will receive it and itemizing exactly what will be disclosed. No one, public or private, may access your credit information without your prior consent under this Section or a government process under Section 5. Negative information falls off your record after three years, not seven. Medical debt cannot appear on a credit report at all. Medical debt is a byproduct of illness, not a signal of creditworthiness, regardless of how healthcare happens to be financed. A dispute with a landlord, and an eviction proceeding itself, whether or not it resulted in judgment, cannot appear on any report. And if you dispute an item, it must be marked “Disputed” on any report released while that dispute is open, with the agency required to investigate and resolve it within thirty days. The same rules reach a data broker selling the equivalent kind of financial profile, closing the loophole the current federal scheme leaves wide open; a furnisher or reseller must take reasonable care to keep what it reports accurate; you may pull your own complete file at any time at no cost; a security freeze is free and permanent until you lift it; and an agency that loses your data to a breach has to tell you. Credit information may not be used to price or deny insurance.

For biometric and genetic data such as a fingerprint, a faceprint, a voiceprint, or the results of a DNA test, this amendment does not rely on consent alone, because consent from one person cannot bind the relatives that data also describes. Collecting or using this category of data requires its own separate, explicit consent, on top of whatever general consent Section 2 otherwise requires. But no entity may sell it, license it, or transfer it to another company for money, full stop. And that prohibition follows the data into bankruptcy court: it cannot be sold off as a corporate asset when a company fails, the way fifteen million people’s genetic profiles were in 2025. A citizen can revoke consent at any time and require the data, and the physical sample it came from, destroyed within thirty days.

This amendment gives every citizen two rights: the right to get a complete record of the data an entity holds about them, and the right to demand that data be deleted. There are limited exceptions to the deletion right. Data cannot be deleted if a law requires it to be kept, if it is under a litigation hold, if it is subject to a subpoena, or if some other government process authorized by this amendment applies. In other words, no one can use the deletion right to destroy evidence they would not otherwise be allowed to destroy. A parent may exercise both rights on a minor's behalf.

It requires a judicial warrant, issued upon probable cause, before any government agency may access the content of a citizen’s communications or their precise location history, and a lower, judicially supervised standard for ordinary third-party business records which is the same distinction the Supreme Court itself has already drawn. It leaves foreign-intelligence and border-security collection to Congress, within a floor this amendment sets and Congress may not go below, and it replaces the current, undefined emergency exception with a real one: a 48-hour deadline to seek a warrant after the fact, and suppression of anything a court would not have approved in advance. And critically, a government agency cannot evade any of this simply by purchasing the same data from a broker instead of compelling it. A purchase of data that would otherwise require a warrant or court order is now held to that same standard, closing the loophole the Fourth Amendment Is Not For Sale Act has tried and failed to close in Congress since 2024.

That same warrant standard now follows a citizen’s movements when the government compiles them itself. An automated license plate reader or fixed camera network can answer, in seconds, a question the Fourth Amendment has never let the government ask for free: everywhere a specific person has driven over the past month. This amendment treats a historical search of that record the same as it treats a search of a phone’s location history, a warrant is required. Though an agency may still match a specific plate against an active warrant, a missing-person report, or a named investigation in real time without one. Retention is capped at thirty days absent an open investigation, a vendor operating the system may not sell the data it collects on the government’s behalf, and because the immigration-enforcement use of this data has become the most common form of its misuse, no agency may hand it to a federal civil immigration authority without a warrant.

This amendment also gives citizens a private right of action, so enforcement does not depend solely on the Authority acting on its own. That right is backed by a revenue-based penalty, which Congress must set within a defined floor and ceiling. To bring a claim, a citizen must meet a genuine standing requirement: the injury must be their own and concrete. Forced arbitration and class-action waivers cannot be used to block a minor's claim or a serious privacy harm.

The Authority itself is no longer limited to responding to complaints. It can audit an entity's compliance on its own initiative, and it can issue a subpoena to investigate a suspected violation. That subpoena carries the same judicial enforcement and the same right to object as any other federal subpoena.

IV. Addressing the Objections

The most common objection is that a consent requirement this strict would break the advertising-supported business model that funds much of the free internet. The European Union has operated under a comparable consent standard for years without the internet disappearing; businesses adapted, and the precise exceptions this amendment now writes directly into Section 2 for security, fraud prevention, ordinary business operations, and legal compliance. Let routine service operation continue without reopening the loophole this amendment is meant to close.

The second objection concerns national security: that a warrant requirement will hamper legitimate intelligence and law enforcement work. It will not, because this amendment no longer imposes one undifferentiated standard on every kind of government data access. It requires a warrant for content and precise location, a lower court-supervised standard for ordinary business records, and it leaves foreign-intelligence collection and border enforcement to Congress within a defined floor, which is a more precise version of the distinctions the law already draws, not a break from them. Emergency exceptions remain available, now with an actual deadline and an actual judicial check, exactly as they already work for a physical search.

The third objection is that a rule this broad will turn routine business practices like fraud screening, account security, basic analytics into constitutional violations. It will not, because Section 2 now names those practices directly as exceptions to the consent requirement, rather than leaving them to be inferred from a single phrase about “direct provision of a service.”

The fourth objection is that the minor-specific provisions are really a content restriction aimed at what young people can see and say online, the same kind of law that has repeatedly lost in federal court on First Amendment grounds. This amendment is not that law. It restricts what data may be collected from a minor and which design mechanics may be used on them; it says nothing about content, and says so in its own text. The California law this amendment’s minor provisions most closely resemble restricting an addictive feed absent parental consent survived exactly this kind of challenge in 2025, while laws aimed at content moderation or mandatory notification have not.

The fifth objection is that a private right of action against every entity that touches personal data will flood the federal courts with undifferentiated litigation. This amendment answers that directly rather than leaving it to chance: a plaintiff must show the same concrete, individual injury federal courts already require for a statutory privacy claim, must give notice and a chance to cure before suing except for the most serious harms, and Congress sets the penalty structure within a floor it cannot legislate away. The right to sue is real, but it is not a blank check.

The sixth objection is that barring medical debt, evictions, and landlord disputes from a credit file, and shortening negative information to three years, will take real, sometimes predictive information away from a lender or landlord trying to assess risk, and that some of that risk will get priced into everyone else’s credit terms. This is a fair criticism, and this amendment does not pretend a lender or landlord loses nothing. The judgment this amendment makes is that a medical emergency, a disputed security deposit, or a debt now four years old should not follow a person indefinitely through every future financial decision they try to make. The same judgment already embodied, more narrowly, in the medical-debt reporting limits the three major credit bureaus adopted voluntarily in 2023, extended here into a permanent rule a future rulemaking or lawsuit cannot undo.

The seventh objection is that requiring a warrant-equivalent standard before the government may purchase data it could otherwise compel will cripple legitimate uses of commercial data like finding a missing child, tracking a fraud ring, responding to a genuine emergency. It will not, for the same reason the underlying warrant requirement does not cripple those things today: Section 5’s emergency exception, with its 48-hour deadline for after-the-fact judicial review, applies to a purchase exactly as it applies to compelled disclosure. What this amendment forecloses is not urgent, well-justified access; it is routine, suspicionless purchasing used precisely because it avoids the judicial oversight a warrant would require.

The eighth objection is that banning the sale of biometric and genetic data outright, rather than simply requiring stronger consent, will shut down a legitimate consumer genetics industry that millions of people value such as ancestry research, health-risk screening, reuniting separated family members. This amendment does not stop a company from collecting genetic data with a citizen’s separate, explicit consent, or from using it to deliver the service that citizen asked for. What it stops is the sale of that data to a third party for a different purpose, including the sale of a bankrupt company’s entire genetic database to whatever buyer will pay for it. A company that only ever intended to serve its customers loses nothing by being unable to sell their DNA out from under them.

The ninth objection is that giving the Authority the power to audit a company without waiting for a complaint invites exactly the kind of open-ended regulatory harassment any well-drafted enforcement power should guard against. The safeguard is the same one that already limits every other subpoena power in American law: a subpoena issued under this Section is subject to judicial enforcement and to a motion to quash on the same terms as any subpoena issued in a federal civil action. The Authority can investigate; it cannot compel compliance without a court’s say-so if the target objects.

The tenth objection is that a warrant requirement for historical license-plate and camera-network searches will cost law enforcement a genuinely useful tool for recovering a stolen vehicle, finding a missing child, locating a car tied to a specific violent crime. It will not, because the real-time exception in Section 5(g) covers precisely those uses: matching a plate against an active warrant, a missing-person report, or a named investigation happens instantly and without a warrant, exactly as it does today. What this amendment forecloses is the different practice now drawing bipartisan backlash nationwide for a searchable, indefinite record of where a person has driven, built without any suspicion at all, and shared broadly across agencies, including, in documented cases, directly to federal immigration enforcement. More than fifty localities have canceled their camera-network contracts over the past year for exactly that reason. A tool that finds a stolen car in real time is not the same tool as one that reconstructs a law-abiding citizen’s last six months of movement, and this amendment regulates only the second.

V. Why This Belongs in the Constitution

Data protection law in the United States today is a patchwork with a few sector-specific federal statutes, a handful of state laws that vary widely and change with every legislative session, and a great deal of unregulated territory in between. Nowhere is that patchwork more visible, or more unstable, than in the laws states have passed to protect minors online: different rules in Georgia, Florida, New York, and California, several of them enjoined or struck down mid-litigation, none of them binding a family that simply crosses a state line. The same instability runs through credit reporting, where a federal agency’s rule can be finalized, vacated, and abandoned within the same eighteen months, and federal law then blocks a state from filling the resulting gap. It runs through government surveillance, where a bill to close the data-purchase loophole can pass the House and still die in the Senate two years running. And it runs through genetic privacy, where existing law was so unprepared for a company’s bankruptcy that fifteen million people’s DNA changed hands with no meaningful say from any of them. A right that depends on which state you live in, or which Congress happens to be in session, is not a right. It is a privilege of geography and timing. The right to privacy for an adult and for a child, for a citizen’s data and a citizen’s financial history and a citizen’s own genetic code deserves the same permanence as any right worth taking seriously. The same principle extends to a newer threat: an artificial intelligence system trained on that data, making decisions about the people it describes, this is a problem serious enough to warrant its own constitutional response.

PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT